O artigo analisa as representações produzidas pelos think tanks estadunidenses a respeito do Brasil entre 2000 e 2016, período de maior protagonismo externo brasileiro e cuja projeção internacional representou um desafio epistêmico para o establishment de Washington. Para tanto, descreveu-se o panorama institucional no qual essa produção ideacional foi articulada e difundida nos Estados Unidos e empregou-se a metodologia da análise de conteúdo para investigar essas publicações e as entrevistas realizadas com atores que operam nesse ambiente. Argumenta-se que essa produção alimentou uma narrativa de valores compartilhados na qual o Brasil agiria de forma convergente com os EUA na divisão dos custos de manutenção da ordem em regiões como a América do Sul e a África Ocidental. Contudo, o dissenso quanto ao princípio de soberania e o papel dos Brics, bem como a retração da política externa, acentuada pela crise doméstica brasileira, engendraram também uma narrativa que enfatiza a desconfiança quanto às capacidades brasileiras e a decepção quanto ao seu protagonismo externo.

Abstract The article analyzes the representations produced by American think tanks regarding Brazil between 2000 and 2016, a period of greater Brazilian external prominence and whose international projection represented an epistemic challenge for the Washington establishment. For that, the institutional panorama in which this ideational production was articulated and disseminated in the United States was depicted, and the methodology of content analysis was employed to investigate these publications and the interviews carried out with actors who operate in this environment. It is argued that this production fed a narrative of shared values in which Brazil would act in a convergent manner with the US in sharing the costs of maintaining order in regions such as South America and West Africa. However, the dissent regarding the principle of sovereignty and the role of the BRICS and the retraction of foreign policy, accentuated by the Brazilian domestic crisis, also engendered a narrative that emphasizes distrust of Brazilian capabilities and disappointment regarding its external protagonism.

Resumen El artículo analiza las representaciones producidas por los think tanks estadounidenses sobre Brasil entre 2000 y 2016, un período de mayor protagonismo externo brasileño y cuya proyección internacional representó un desafío epistémico para el establishment de Washington. Para ello, se plasmó el panorama institucional en el que se articuló y difundió esta producción ideacional en Estados Unidos, y se empleó la metodología de análisis de contenido para investigar estas publicaciones y las entrevistas realizadas a actores que operan en este entorno. Se argumenta que esta producción alimentó una narrativa de valores compartidos en la que Brasil actuaría de manera convergente con Estados Unidos al compartir los costos de mantener el orden en regiones como Sudamérica y África Occidental. Sin embargo, la disidencia sobre el principio de soberanía y el papel de los BRICS y la retracción de la política exterior, acentuada por la crisis interna brasileña, también generó una narrativa que enfatiza la desconfianza en las capacidades brasileñas y la decepción por su protagonismo externo.

Résumé L'article analyse les représentations produites par les think tanks américains sur le Brésil entre 2000 et 2016, période de plus grande importance extérieure brésilienne et dont la projection internationale représentait un défi épistémique pour l'establishment de Washington. Pour cela, le panorama institutionnel dans lequel cette production idéationnelle s'est articulée et diffusée aux États-Unis a été dépeint, et la méthodologie d'analyse de contenu a été employée pour enquêter sur ces publications et les entretiens réalisés avec les acteurs qui opèrent dans cet environnement. Il est avancé que cette production a alimenté un récit de valeurs partagées dans lequel le Brésil agirait de manière convergente avec les États-Unis en partageant les coûts du maintien de l'ordre dans des régions telles que l'Amérique du Sud et l'Afrique de l'Ouest. Cependant, la dissidence sur le principe de souveraineté et le rôle des BRICS et la rétractation de la politique étrangère, accentuée par la crise intérieure brésilienne, ont également engendré un récit qui met l'accent sur la méfiance à l'égard des capacités brésiliennes et la déception quant à son protagonisme extérieur.

The creation of the Union of South American Nations (USAN) aroused expectations about joint development and production of military aircraft in South America. However, political divergences, technological asymmetries and budgetary problems made projects canceled. Faced with the impasse, this article approaches features of two military aircraft development experiences and their links with the regionalization processes to extract elements that help to account for the problems faced by USAN. The processes of adoption of the F-104 and the Tornado in the 1950s and 1970s by countries that later joined the European Union are analyzed in a comparative perspective. The two projects are compared about the political and diplomatic implications (mutual trust, military capabilities and regionalization) and the economic implications (scale of production, value chains and industrial parks). We argue that both processes generated convergence, though countries involved already shared threat perceptions and a military alliance, which compelled them to cooperation. Thus, the successful joint development of military aircrafts within USAN would require a previous level of convergence not yet achieved.

O artigo aborda a primeira etapa do processo de formação profissional de oficiais do Exército Brasileiro que iniciaram suas carreiras no decorrer da década de 1920. Abordando fundamentalmente a Escola Militar do Realengo, instituição que pretendia formar oficiais 'apolíticos', investiga-se, a partir de depoimentos e relatos biográficos, aspectos organizacionais e experiências que teriam marcado mais profundamente as primeiras articulações entre a formação profissional e as inclinações para agir politicamente dessa geração. Constata-se que a Escola constituía um espaço politizado no qual os alunos cultivavam disposições para ação política em nome de uma 'tradição' oriunda da Escola Militar da Praia Vermelha e de uma missão regeneradora do país.

The article analyses the education of the Brazilian Army officers in the 1920s. Focusing on Realengo Military Academy, it argues that the intention of the military authorities to provide apolitical training for Brazilian officers was not successful. The sources, testimonies and autobiographies drawn on show Realengo Military Academy to have been a place of political socialization where students shared dispositions for political action on behalf of a 'tradition' inherited from the Praia Vermelha Military Academy and a mission of national regeneration.

This article discusses the military relations between Brazil and United States in the Cold War. Focusing on the dynamic of these relations and on arms transfers, one argues that the Brazilian military sought in the USA a path towards organizational modernization, industrialization and regional supremacy. Thus Brazil operated a movement from a very close and dependent position to a more distant one, since Washington did not support Brazilian objectives of military modernization and strategic autonomy and the anticommunist agenda became less important to Brazil. War transfers supremacy